Author: Waleed Wyaar
After the fall of the Ottoman Caliphate at the hands of the Turks, the United States and Western countries devised several forms of governance to divide Islamic nations, promote secularism, and establish regimes committed to their interests. Among these, the most prominent was the “Republic,” ostensibly based on the principle of majority rule (50+1). However, in reality, it meant blatantly ignoring the rights of 49% of the population.
While some Islamic countries may have partially adhered to the principles of a republic, the version of the republic established in Afghanistan from 2000 to 2021 diverged significantly from those principles. Instead, it mocked the very essence of republicanism, featuring multiple competing “republics” and “presidents” within the same framework.
The flaws in Afghanistan’s republican system served various purposes, one of which was to create factions that would align with foreign occupiers. These groups were used to suppress genuine Islamic resistance fighters, who—despite limited resources and at great personal cost—opposed the occupation and hindered its entrenchment.
One such group was IS-K, modeled after the Iraqi Daesh, an external entity rooted in republican soil but funded and supported by U.S. and regional intelligence agencies.
Although the U.S. and the republic outwardly opposed Daesh and engaged in “symbolic battles,” they provided covert military and financial support. This allowed Daesh to serve dual purposes: advancing occupation objectives and combating the Taliban Mujahideen, who, despite limited resources, resisted the occupiers and prevented their deep-rooting.
Western media, despite promoting the narrative of the republic’s “serious” fight against ISIS, concealed the strong ties between ISIS and democracy-backed powers. However, behind the scenes, the republic and ISIS maintained close ties under the protective umbrella of U.S. support.
Here are a few key examples illustrating the collaboration between Daesh and the republic:
1. Amrullah Saleh and Daesh:
Amrullah Saleh, former Vice President of Ashraf Ghani and a British-trained intelligence operative, frequently met ISIS members within the presidential palace (Arg), facilitated by his secretary. He provided them with funds, plans, and military guidance. Saleh also orchestrated targeted assassinations under the guise of fighting ISIS, eliminating military officials who posed a threat to the group. His personal secretary and bodyguard, Sanaullah Ghafari, later became the ISIS-K leader under the alias Shihab al-Muhajir in 2020.
2. Rahmatullah Nabil and Daesh:
Rahmatullah Nabil, head of the National Directorate of Security (NDS) during Ghani’s administration, had close ties with U.S. intelligence. His financial and operational support for Daesh was exposed when Mujahideen captured one of his aides, Dr. Ziauddin Kamal, in Logar province, transporting funds to Daesh. Additionally, several of Nabil’s residences in Kabul were used as guesthouses for Daesh members.
3. Nangarhar and Daesh:
Nangarhar province was a significant stronghold for ISIS, where the Islamic Emirate’s Red Units fought decisive battles against them in areas like Achin, Shinwar, and Khogyani. Reports frequently surfaced of U.S. and Afghan forces assisting ISIS militants, providing supplies, and evacuating them from battle zones, undermining the Taliban’s efforts to eradicate the group.
4. Targeting Scholars and Mosques:
To tarnish the reputation of the Islamic Emirate and its Mujahideen, the intelligence agencies of the former republic orchestrated numerous attacks on religious scholars, mosques, and tribal elders. They falsely attributed these attacks to the Emirate, labeling it as opposition to Islam.
Examples include the attack on Dr. Niazi, the imam of Wazir Akbar Khan Mosque, assaults on two professors at Kabul University, the direct attack on Kabul University itself, and attacks on figures like Dr. Baqi Amin and other prominent scholars. These atrocities were joint acts of terror by the republic’s forces and ISIS, which the Emirate neither claimed responsibility for nor supported; instead, they unequivocally condemned these actions.
5. Alliance Between NRF and Daesh:
After the fall of the republic, its fleeing military personnel and the Panjshiri leaders of the Jamiat or Shura-e-Nazar factions decided to use Panjshir as a base for their resistance against the Mujahideen of the Islamic Emirate. Their initial move was to forge an alliance with ISIS, aimed at mutual cooperation against the Emirate.
This alliance’s formation without prior connections or collaborations seems implausible. However, their plans failed miserably, along with the U.S. Congress members’ appeal to establish a secure zone in Panjshir for support and cooperation. In reality, this “safe zone” was intended to serve as a haven for the Khawarij (ISIS), as the allies of the republic had already lost their credibility.
Based on the aforementioned points, it is evident that ISIS could not have operated independently from the republic or U.S. intelligence during that period. There is no evidence to suggest that ISIS inflicted any significant financial or human losses on the republic’s military or the Americans.
Instead, ISIS consistently safeguarded their interests and worked to malign the name of Islam and the Islamic Emirate. They actively tried to sow divisions between Sunni and Shia communities in Afghanistan and perpetrated immense suffering on the Afghan people. The atrocities in Nangarhar’s Shinwari, Achin, and Khogyani districts stand as stark examples of the barbaric actions of this group, leaving indelible stains on their reputation.
